2018: The changing faces to power and the reality of continuity

22 Apr, 2018 - 00:04 0 Views
2018: The changing faces to power and the reality of continuity President Emmerson Mnangagwa lights the Independence Flame at the National Sports Stadium in Harare on Wednesday

The Sunday News

President Emmerson Mnangagwa lights the Independence Flame at the National Sports Stadium in Harare on Wednesday

President Emmerson Mnangagwa lights the Independence Flame at the National Sports Stadium in Harare on Wednesday

Richard Runyararo Mahomva

The national independence celebrations held at the National Sports Stadium presaged the organic permanence of African nationalism — this annual solemn reflection of our freedom equally comes at a time when the world commemorates Winnie Nomzamo Madikizela Mandela’s birth to eternity (May Her Soul Rest In Power).

Winnie — an epitome of African nationalist motherhood and certainly a deity in the nationalist discursive framing is worth celebrating as long we live.

In his farewell dirge, the President of the Economic Freedom Fighters threw in a supplication for signs/signals for Azania to confront the dilemmas and hypocrisies of incongruent and intermingling realisms of national belonging in South Africa. In his speech, Malema recollected Winnie’s rejection and how those who sold her out to the apartheid regime were present at her funeral and mourning more louder than the genuinely bereaved.

That brings me to the prefacing point of my analysis. Likewise, when Zimbabwe commemorated her 38th anniversary even those whose role has been to invite agony to Zimbabwe’s territorial integrity through sanctions were present at this auspicious gathering. The sanctions and the 2018 Zidera Amendment stalwart was there. As Nelson Chamisa graced the venue he was received through a fair share of applause which was of course coupled with ear-splitting reverberations of the festivity serenades of uhuru day.

Surprisingly, there seems to be no equivalent prolixity with regards to the condescending jubilation that Vice-President Chiwenga’s entry into the stadium attracted — not to mention the same if not a double-fold harmonic ovation which escorted President Emmerson Mnangagwa to the podium where he had to perform the rites of this great day. Fortunately or unfortunately, some opposition supporters took ownership of the day’s festivity and personalised it under false comfort of owning part of the crowd that thronged the giant sports stadium. Through selective social media reportage from some timelines which are famous for being mini-broadcasts of polarity, Nelson Chamisa was awarded ownership of a crowd he did not invite to this event; let alone not even his recently acquired fame was of any significance in gathering the spirited jubilation of the masses at the National Sports Stadium.

In oblivion of this truth, opposition biased social media zealots have since attempted to deconstruct the national semblance of this mega Zimbabwean event thereby sending a false impression that Chamisa attracted a mega ovation at the National Nhandare on Wednesday. Even after the departure of President and other esteemed delegates, multitudes were still flocking into the stadium at the restrain of a massive security force. This aptly substantiates that this was Zimbabweans’ event and that no one was after any idol admiration, but the narrow-minded think it’s smart to attach personalities to a public event which had nothing to do with propping partisan egos. This evidently points to the depth of pettiness — if not subluminal narcissism in the psyche of partisan appropriation of opportunities and platforms to unite Zimbabweans beyond the chasms of difference we have nurtured over the years. The fact that Chamisa’s presence at the national independence day celebrations is hyped with falsehoods of his gigantic applause than any other leader betrays the opposition inclined activists’ fallacy that past national events were a monopoly of the ruling Zanu-PF.

However, it is even further revealing that accusations of partisan patronage linked to Zanu-PF in the convening of national events were a reality to those who assumed the propensity of the absurd.

To those amused by misdirected populism, events such as the Independence Day — particularly this year’s celebrations characterised by pluralism which has been mistakenly captured as a cavalcade platform to demonstrate “who has got more fame than the other?” Of course, the agenda is to falsely propagate insinuations that an aspiring opposition Presidential aspirant has a bigger following than the incumbent. However, the 2018 question will not be resolved by such petty play at the nose of a party in power. In its defined and mature approach to the game Zanu-PF won’t give attention to such. Tipabate ipapo!

While it is crucial to engage in dialogue, anti-Zanu-PF cyber marshals must avoid preoccupation with magnifying the trivial. I deliberately raised this matter to expose our divided claims to national belonging every time we permit our split patriotic consciousness to supersede the common national good. It is these different interests and deferred commitments to the national project which partially motivate Professor Sabelo Ndlovu-Gatsheni’s enquiry “Do Zimbabweans Exist?” Wednesday’s celebrations made it clear to me that Zimbabweans do exist and that our nationalism is far-reaching and permanent.

This is against a milieu of dichotomous and contrasting realities to national belonging which accelerated an expedite revamp of our politics. As a result, Zimbabwe is heading towards an open sphere of political association. This change has not been exclusively embraced — in fact opposition activists are completely sabotaging this unfolding political trajectory as it is paving way for tolerance, inclusion and enhanced civil participation.

This antagonism to national good is at the behest of this superficial left’s comforts underpinned in Zimbabwe’s erstwhile highly polarised and conflict charged politics. The hostility of our political environment justified the NGO’s continued donor income. Therefore, a systematic dormancy of the state in its iron-fisted habits of the old era means that there is no need for the old time funded advocacy. That past is gone and of course the broad plan of externally assisted regime change dramatically failed in the past years.

Such changes in the domestic policy imply less need for Western democracy funding as was the case in the past. Government’s current commitment towards democratisation is irking the civil society profit-making interests which were sustained through massive misrepresentation of Zimbabwe as a crisis-laden state.

Now the election is upon us and its outcome will shape the fortunes of the country’s future. As our political parties enter into their respective campaign modes their messaging must be not be characterised by pettiness — as is the case; particularly from politicians who exaggerate the popularity before the elections endorse the credentials they claim to have. Key focus should be on bringing more citizens to any winning side by any positive means necessary. This is why state media have been giving fair coverage to activities of all political parties. However, the Government’s effort liberate the airwaves has suffered the opposition’s good will to reciprocate the courtesy. The disparaging of Zanu-PF in some social-media platforms reflects the extent to which the envisaged culture of pluralism is under sabotage.

Only recently there were irrational cyber rants about the imported fleet designated for Zanu-PF’s election campaign. This on-going debate is widely characterised by criminalisation of Zanu-PF’s decency to assert its footing in the coming election. Zanu-PF’s right to consolidate its power is being demonised on many online platforms. These critics definitely miss the fact that it is not a Zanu-PF problem that other political parties are not in any capacity to have equal competitive campaign machinery.

Therefore, Zanu-PF must not be deterred from acquiring more campaign missiles fearing the usual blackmail on the need for the party to fund Government business. Zanu-PF — the political party cannot stop financing its programmes simply because this and that hospital has no medication.

Zanu-PF is an independent political party which is in Government. Therefore, Government business must be stomached by its various ministries, departments and parastatals. If Zanu-PF party subscriptions and well-wishers can afford the party an extravagant campaign, why must that be a problem? No other party is barred from doing the same and those parties and leaders who claim to be genuinely concerned about welfare interests of the public are allowed to divert their campaign funds to mitigate Government’s financial gaps. I am sure such hand-outs from the opposition to Government will be most welcome. If that is not possible then Zanu-PF must be given room to campaign like any other party than to be unnecessarily held at ransom.

All political parties must exceptionally flourish in the uniqueness of their dissent; at the same time their participation in national business must be founded on sincerity to their respective values.

Consequently, our political parties must not be fundamentally preoccupied with seeking short-lasting fame and unnecessary demonisation of one another. This civil approach to confronting difference may enrich the anticipated sobriety of our current political environment.

Iwe neni tinebasa.

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