The Sunday News
Pathisa Nyathi
In the last instalment it became apparent that there are both differences and similarities between Khami and the Great Enclosure at Great Zimbabwe.
Let us deal, in the first instance, with more similarities before we turn to differences. Both differences and similarities are significant and do require interpretation.
What constitutes similarities is what was copied from Great Zimbabwe and continued at Khami.
That provides some link between the two cultural sites, especially if the builders of Khami arrived from Great Zimbabwe. Similarities are therefore expected.
Building in stone continued as indicated in the last instalment. We noted too that the quality of stone masonry was higher.
Could it be that some stone masons from Great Zimbabwe were part of the migrating population? Practice makes better or perfect.
The superior quality of stone masonry at Khami may suggest that some of the stone builders were incorporated into the new population.
It is unlikely that new stone masons emerged with no prior experience and all of a sudden exhibited better skills than those at Great Zimbabwe?
There are two possibilities with regard to possession of stone masonry skills. Besides mere technical skills there were related functions to be performed by the resulting stone walls.
In terms of the Great Enclosure and its overarching theme of fertility, there is a real possibility that the stone masons were part of the population at Great Zimbabwe which embraced the embedded theme.
In other words, the builders were part of the Great Zimbabwe population which used the Great Enclosure as a site for initiation rites part of which were circumcision rites.
The BaLemba do make a claim to both building Great Zimbabwe and practicing circumcision. The latter practice is still in vogue at places such as Gutu and Mberengwa. The Tovakare clan of the BaLemba is cited as comprising skilled builders responsible for work at Great Zimbabwe.
If this is the case and there is evidence of fertility figurines at sites younger than Great Zimbabwe such as Khami, we can surmise that the circumcision culture was taken there by the BaLemba.
However, we would expect that the predominant Bantu population would want to control the activity as seems to have happened among the Venda population where the king’s and chiefs’ residences were the cites for the initiation rites so as to centre the cultural traditions of the ruling group.
Be that as it may, what is without doubt is that the retaining walls were made out of dressed stones.
It is worth noting too that the stone walls were festooned with decorative motifs such as the herring bones, lines of banded stones (black in colour) and the more ubiquitous chess board. It was noted in Nyathi (2016) that these decorative motifs are reconfigured chevron patterns with their message of fertility. The message may equally apply where a ruling lineage is meant to perpetuate and attain continuity and endlessness. In any case, a decorated wall is enticingly beautiful and enhances respect for the ruler. At Great Zimbabwe the fertility motifs were complemented in more ways than one.
Trade continued with far flung countries where the Eastern Coast provided contact between the interior of southern Africa and countries of origin for the trade goods. Porcelain was found both at Great Zimbabwe and Khami.
There are other trade items that were shared in common between the two cultural sites.
For Khami these items bore evidence of control of trade, power and wealth. Trade, be it regional, local or international was controlled by the King who resided on the hill summit.
Mineral exploitation and processing were common economic activities.
Once again, either the polished miners and mineral processors came along to continue the practices at Khami or new skilled individuals emerged. The latter is most unlikely.
If indeed there was knowledge and skills transfer, it would have taken place at Great Zimbabwe to allow for continuation of the economic activity without break or decline.
Let us now turn to observed differences. On the summit of the hill at Khami there are three entrances or exits. One of them is provided with a roof which early archaeologists noted was made from clay. On the other hand, the Great Enclosure seems to have had two passages-one clearly an entrance while the other was an exit.
The narrow passage between two lofty stone walls is clearly the entrance. Beyond the stone platforms there is no confined space for the reason that from here and beyond there are no initiates that need confinement so that they do not bolt away in fear of the excruciating pain associated with circumcision. The process is over and done.
We are not aware that a zoomorphic “pot” was located at Great Zimbabwe, that is within the Great Enclosure. We did not expect it either. We have problems though with describing it as a pot. Calling it such circumscribes freedom of interpretation.
A pot has known utilities and these do not tally with what cited tradition says was the use of the “pot” which was beaten by the King with a copper wire each morning at sunrise.
Pots are used for storage and cooking in the main. If the tradition being cited is correct, the “pot” is not a pot.
The claim that it was used within the royal residence may suggest it was used for regeneration of royal power each morning, either by symbolically tapping on the power of the “pot.” We can surmise that there were medicines or charms that were placed in the “pot.” These would have complemented the power embedded within the moulded clay animal. Viewing the shape of the animal persuades us to think it is a ram which tradition says is so powerful it will butt a bull to death.
In any case, a similar cultural practice also exists among the Ndebele and possibly other African communities.
A thin swish is made to activate whatever is being beaten. At Khami, copper was used and served as a pointer that royalty had access to precious metals.
The timing of beating the clay ram is significant. Sunrise marks the beginning of each day, the commencement of regeneration, the beginning of resumed power and time to conduct prayers and requests for royal power in defence of the King who personifies the state.
The ritual, we can surmise, was more on the defence side of the King and his residence.
An animal such as a lion would equally have performed the function as it is a vicious fighter and defender. Indeed, a lion figurine was unearthed within the same quarters.
Khami has a clear residential hierarchical rendition reminiscent of political power. The King, being the most politically and socially powerful person on the land, occupied the loftiest position on the hill summit.
Below him were lesser royals whose residences’ altitude was in sync with the pecking order of political and sometimes economic power.
Within the Great Enclosure the biggest cultural structure is the Conical Tower which represents and expresses the phallus. At Khami the phallus is conspicuous by its absence.
Through this observation we can surmise that fertility was not embedded within the structures at Khami.
Given the numerous existing floors on the hill summit and platforms created below, the site was residential in character with the King located at the highest point in line with African expressions of power on the physical plane.
