The Sunday News
Pathisa Nyathi
THIS article seeks to shed light on various aspects relating to the history of the Masuku chieftainship.
In the first instance, the lineage of the particular Masuku house will be unpacked and its ethnicity brought to the fore while the relevant tradition in terms of succession is brought out within that context.
Succession rules very much depend on the applicable tradition, itself informed by the history and ethnic identity of the lineage in question.
Equally important is to disentangle the succession matrix, noting applicable disqualifications and qualifications.
What will also have to be taken on board is the changing qualifications because of changes wrought on the chiefly institution by colonisation and the march of time.
Ndebele traditions, like those of other colonized African groups, are not cast in stone.
Numerous Ndebele chiefs today would have been disqualified. They are chiefs all the same as evidence and recognition of the changes that are taking place within the traditional chiefly institution.
We thus start with some historical background to the chieftainship which may generally be referred to as the Nzula chieftainship although Chief Nzula Masuku was not the first chief in the Masuku chiefly lineage during the heyday of the Ndebele State and Nation.
The Masukus in Zimbabwe belong to two related groups: Masuku Nqamakazi, Zikode on the one hand and Masuku Phenyane, Dungandaba on the other.
The minor difference relates to the migration of the Phenyane Masukus from the coastal area of the Indian Ocean in South Africa.
The Phenyane Masukus together with other Nguni groups such as Mkhwananzi, (Gawu, Makhwentaba), Lusinga, Mabhena, Simela, Mahlangu, Sikhosana, Masombuka, inter alia, struck over the Drakensberg mountains and settled in the Tshwane area before trekking to the Tubatse River (Steelpoort).
This is the place known in IsiNdebele as eNdubazi and it’s here where these people were incorporated and assimilated into the migrating Ndebele people under the leadership of King Mzillikazi kaMatshobana.
Arguably, Dr Sobukhazi Masuku is one of the best known of the Penyane/Dungandaba Masukus.
Where they settled the Sotho/Tswana people already occupied the area.
As a result, they became AbeNhla people.
The Zikode Masukus remained in the coastal areas together with groups such as the Khumalos and many others who came to constitute the Abezansi section of Ndebele society.
The Nzula chieftainship which is the subject of this article belongs, not to the Dungandaba/Phenyane section but to the Zikode/Nqamakazi (UKhokhozela njengenqina lisiya eDlomodlomo, uMbombosh’ omnyama njengomsunu osempankeni).
However, in terms of succession they share the same tradition, the law of primogeniture, the vertical succession, from father to son, mutatis mutandis.
There were several Masuku men in the Mthwakazi State and included the following, among others: Mlomo, Sifo (married Princess Batayi King Mzilikazi’s eldest daughter), Mbhadi, Mkhanyeli, Mkhokhi, Sijeza, Mbiko (married Princess Zinkabi Khumalo a daughter of King Mzilikazi and Prince Nkulumana’s sister), Mpikayipheli (from eZinyangeni ZikaMzondo), Xabanisa.
King Mzilikazi kaMatshobana married a Masuku woman who bore him, Prince Qalingana.
Many of these Masuku men were appointed chiefs: Chief Mbiko kaMadlenya was chief over Zwangendaba at eNgcekezeni across the Mbembesi River, Chief Mkhanyeli Masuku became chief over iNgwegwe on the Umguza River, Chief Sifo Masuku was appointed chief over aMatshetshe (abathwali bophahla, indlu kayivulwa), Chief Mkhokhi Masuku was appointed over iNyamayendlovu, a segment of iGabha likaMaqhekeni Sithole.
The last named, Chief Mkhokhi, is one from which the Nzula chieftainship is descended. Of these Masuku houses, the most senior is that of Sifo Masuku who married Princess Batayi Khumalo, King Mzilikazi kaMatshobana’s eldest daughter.
Their lineage includes Chief Manyakavula, Chief Ngundu Masuku, Chief Mzimuni, Chief Augustine Masuku and the incumbent Chief Mbiko Masuku.
Let us rest the case of the Masukus in general and now pursue the Nzula chieftainship.
The earliest known ancestor in this section of the Masukus is Nyanda who did not travel with King Mzilikazi.
His son was Klibhi, the father of Mkhokhi was appointed over iNyamayendlovu as indicated above.
During the 1872 civil war, pitting Zwangendaba kaMbiko Masuku, Chief Mkhokhi supported his relative but at the last minute backed off.
Chief Mkhokhi’s wife was one MaMkhwananzi who faced challenges pertaining to conception.
A Kalanga gynaecologist had his services solicited. As per tradition, the child product is named after the doctor.
This was the case with Nyamande Khumalo, Majinkila Mkhwananzi, Princess Sidambe Khumalo, Mabhikwa Khumalo inter alia.
Instead of making use of the name of the Kalanga doctor, his social designation as ihole was used.
The son was accordingly named Hole, the father of Nzula Masuku. Chief Mkhokhi was among those who died during the Battle of Pupu fighting the Alan Wilson Patrol on 4 December 1893.
It is not clear how Chief Hole Masuku relocated from Nyamayendlovu to live in Famona, at Hillside.
The suburb named Famona or Fanamona is named after Princess Famona, the daughter of King Lobengula and MaMkhwananzi.
Her marriage to Hole Masuku dates back to the colonial period. Colonisation took place when they were already living at KoBulawayo.
Their lands were appropriated by whites, thus forcing them to relocate to the south, but north of the Matobo Hills.
When Imfazo II of 1896 broke out the Masukus, that is Chief Hole and Princess Famona, so named because King Lobengula felt those who were opposed to his becoming king were afflicted by intense jealousy were already in the south.
Ndebele royalty stood to benefit when the Ndebele State and Nation subsisted.
They were prejudiced the most when their fathers’ privileged positions were adversely affected. It therefore comes as no surprise to see them rising up to oppose occupation.
This was true of Princess Famona Khumalo who encouraged her husband Chief Hole Masuku to fight the whites.
Indeed, Chief Hole remained recalcitrant when other chiefs seemed to bend to the demands of Cecil John Rhodes who with a high and virulent business acumen, realised how difficult it was going to be to flush the Ndebele people, in particular the armed fighters, out of the Matobo Hills in time before the onset of the rainy season.
He knew well the train was still far away and, indeed only got to Bulawayo in November 1897.
Military hardware was going to take a while and beefing up the striking capability of his forces was more of a pipedream at that juncture.
Many male children born in that year, 1897, were named Njini in reference to the train locomotive that was some strange black smoke-emitting contraption.
Rhodes’ desire therefore was to make peace with the Ndebele, get them out of the hills, and shoo for peace. Chief Hole Masuku was among those who were still eager to keep the embers of war aglow.
His wife Princess Famona Khumalo, a daughter of King Lobengula kaMzilikazi was influential in the western front where Chief Hole Masuku and the likes of Babanyana Masuku and Dliso Mathema from eNqameni were leading the war. Nkonkobela Khumalo and Mtshede Ndiweni were also piling up pressure on white colonists.
Rhodes, as always, resorted to cheque diplomacy. He bought the land between Bulawayo and the northern fringes of the Matobo Hills. That piece of land, known as the Rhodes Matopos Estate, was 95 000 morgens in extent.
It was land that he used to attract and promise the Ndebele to get out of the hills and settle in the open. He used forced labour, isibhalwa, to construct the Rhodes Matopos Dam.
In reality, the whites, mostly those of English stock, had already bought the land that he promised the Ndebele.
Rhodes was quite alert to the fact that the Ndebele would be dispossessed of their lands, in particular uMgadla belt.
As a result, there was going to be need to settle them further to the south of the Matobo Hills in particular, were going to need land to the south of the Matobo Hills.
Consequently, a native reserve known as Tshatshane was created and by 1912, Chief Mdilizelwa Fuyana was leading his people from Centenary, close to Figtree to settle in Mbembeswana, Zamanyoni and Donkwe-Donkwe.
Chief Hole Masuku was pressured to move south of the Matobo Hills, on the southern side of the Wovi River. His followers occupied an area stretching to Zadobhe. To the north, his area covered Zhanje. His headquarters was established at a place called eMthangaleni a few kilometres off the Damara Road.
As chief who married a royal princess, he relied on several assistants, abesihlangu who helped with household chores.
Among them were the following: Ngidi Moyo, Nzuza (Zhuzha), Malindi Dube, Sandozo Nyathi, Msasa Ncube, Bhusumani Ncube, Mathambo and Vanya Nyathi. In addition to these assistants there were other individuals of Nguni stock who supervised the lower-class helpers (abesihlangu).
Funisa Khumalo and Nanabo Khumalo were also part of the royal household. The latter was a daughter of King Lobengula’s brother.
The area to the south of Matobo Hills had already been surveyed in readiness to settle the second-rate whites — the Afrikaners such as Cloete (uMandayi) and van Vuuren.
These were being discriminated against by the English and were to be content with establishing farms in the Mopane Veldt. Chief Hole’s children were born at eMthangaleni.
Tshebhane was the senior daughter and got married to Memo Ndiweni. Sandlesibi was the next daughter and after her was born Nzula, the heir.
According to Ndebele tradition, Nzula was taken away from eMthangaleni to live with Mphini Ndiweni.
There he stayed until after the death of his father, Chief Hole Masuku. Chief Hole’s wife, as already pointed out, was Princess Famona who when she arrived at the Masukus was accompanied by abesihlangu and a head of 50 cattle.
It was tradition that she did not eat curdled milk, amasi from cows at Masukus. Instead, her own cattle that she was given by her father (King Lobengula) were milked to provide her with milk from which amasi were produced for her consumption.
The royal princesses were different from other Ndebele women. Princess Famona wore breeches (amabhulantshisi) on both her legs. On her head, she donned a circular headring (isidlodlo). She had a 303 rifle with a bayonet.
The bayonet has since found its way into the spiritual realm among the Masukus. Princess Famona Khumalo died at eMthangaleni where her husband buried her.
Malaki Masuku indicated to this writer that after the burial of Princess Famona, Chief Hole proceeded to exhume her body and had it buried elsewhere where people did not know.
A similar arrangement, according to Chief Malaki Masuku, was made with regard to King Mzilikazi kaMatshobana.
Apparently, the Masukus, through Chief Nzula Masuku’s daughter Violet, at one time lived at the royal grave of the King at eNtumbane. Violet seems to have met with some curious and inexplicable death.
The land that Chief Hole Masuku and his subjects had occupied south of the Matobo Hills was taken away from them. It was time to abandon eMthangaleni and move to the south.
He settled at Donkwe-Donkwe. Some of his subjects settled on alienated land, some became squatters while yet others became tenants on white farms. Others chose to move further to the south.
The time of movement saw their cattle contract indalimana (rinderpest). Chief
Hole Masuku died at Donkwe-Donkwe and was buried there.
At the time of Chief Hole Masuku’s death his son and heir Nzula was attending Tiger Kloof, a London Missionary Society (LMS) institution in the Northern Cape, South Africa.
His schoolmates were Silas and Mafindo Khumalo, the sons of Reverend Mtompe Khumalo (son of Jojwana).
Two emissaries were immediately dispatched to summon the heir, Nzula to abandon studies and come back home to assume the reins of chief.
The two emissaries were Maqedigula and his father Mhwabha Khumalo. Maqedigula Khumalo later became the driver for Chief Nzula who owned a Bedford lorry known as Ndizandiza whose wheels had spokes.
At that point, there was a move back to the north under the leadership of Chief Nzula Masuku.
He established his village close to Shumbashabe, to the north of the Wovi River. The Matobo Hills were close, in the northerly direction.
When he settled there, his senior wife MaMthimkhulu already had a son Garret, the oldest son born at Donkwe-Donkwe. Born in 1918, Garret went to work in Johannesburg between 1942 and 1949. Chief Nzula’s other child, younger than Garret was Malaki, a son.
The move back to the hills by Chief Nzula Masuku saw the Ndiwenis (eZinaleni/eZisongweni) move from eMadwaleni to Tjibale.
Acting Chief Sinti, a son of Chief Faku and MaThebe. Seniority was lost by that house when Chief Faku Ndiweni married Princess Nedlana Khumalo, the daughter of King Mzilikazi kaMatshobana.
The qualifying son was Nyangazonke.
There were other children by MaDlomo, another wife of Chief Nzula, from eNdinaneni.
Her offspring were Mondi, Josephine, Michael and Violet who, as already pointed out, went to live at eNtumbane.
In 1966 Garret ascended the Masuku chiefly seat.
He married a Khumalo woman from Kafusi and her father was Mdubeki. The marriage produced three daughter. These were Sukoluhle, Daisy, and Lillian. Chief Garret Masuku also had a son, one Muregei with a Shona woman.
The next chief after Garret was Malaki, a younger brother. By taking over from Chief Garret in 1991, we come across some lateral succession that is common among the Shona tradition.
It is for this reason that we made use of the Latin expression, mutatis mutandis.
There are instances when the situation demands, among the Ndebele, to resort to the lateral succession. This is rather rare but is perfectly acceptable.
History points to the Masukus as being part of a social system whose tradition is patriarchal and patrilineal.
The males become chiefs and succession moves from father to son, mutatis mutandis.
What is critically important to appreciate here is that it is tradition to which families subscribe that determines the choice of next chief.
In fact, it is birth that determines and families merely follow applicable traditions as dictated by birth.
Assumption of a chiefly post is not by popular vote as happens among politicians.
A baseless issue had dragged the issue of identifying a successor.
It is that a son or younger person does not pick meat from a plate ahead of a father or those older that him.
It is said “akadobhi kuqala kwaboyise.”
In this argument, there is palpable ignorance and evidence of a tradition that is not fully grasped. For starters, a son does not eat from the same plate as his “fathers.”
In a vertical succession arrangement, an incumbent chief will unavoidably be younger than his father’s brothers. This explains why overall in Matabeleland the chiefs are younger than those outside of Matabeleland. They are young and are younger than some of their uncles, “younger fathers.” There is absolutely nothing wrong in that.
Lateral succession is not something that is not found among the Ndebele people but there were special circumstances that dictated its adoption.
It was applied following the death of Chief Garret Masuku. All his children were girls, referred to in IsiNdebele parlance as amawabayi.
It was perfectly in order to go the route that was taken in that instance.
Back then, we had Ndebele chiefs who knew the Ndebele chiefly succession rules. Malaki Masuku was the next brother in line and he indeed became a chief, a substantive chief and not a caretaker one.
Once a chieftainship went laterally to a younger brother, it remained there and vertical succession procedures became applicable.
In the case of the Nzula Masuku chieftainship, a lateral succession may be considered only if Chief Malaki Masuku produced girls only as was the case with Chief Garret Masuku.
As we know it, Chief Malaki Masuku did produce male children who are still alive and it obviated the need to go the lateral route of succession.
Out of the review, there might be principles that are considered irrelevant and get dropped out, some that are adopted in their present form and yet others that may have to be modified.
Society is on the move and the chiefly rules of succession have to reflect that phenomenon.
For example, should girls continue to be excluded from leading a traditional institution such as that of chief?
When that happens, the rules of succession ought to be known and acceptable to all.
When a woman chief dies, what are the procedures regarding her succession.
I do not think there is one with an answer right now.
When the issue comes, we should not be seeking a solution to it at that late hour.
We do that and breed tension, misunderstanding and intense conflict.
Rules of succession must be known in advance to avoid crisis management.
